For nearly eight decades, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has stood as the world’s most powerful decision-making body on matters of peace and security.
Its resolutions
carry binding force, shaping responses to wars, sanctions,
peacekeeping missions, and international crises.
Yet one continent
remains glaringly absent from its permanent membership-Africa.
Despite being home
to 54 member states, nearly a third of the UN’s membership, and
contributing heavily to peacekeeping operations, Africa has no
permanent seat on the Council.
This absence has fueled a long-running
campaign by African leaders, who argue that the Security Council must
reflect the realities of the 21st century rather than the power
dynamics of 1945.
In his address
during the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), President William
Ruto demanded reforms that would grant the continent “at least two
permanent seats with full rights, including the power to veto, and
two additional non-permanent seats.”
In his address to
the world leaders, Ruto challenged the legitimacy of a system that
continues to sideline Africa despite its central role in global
peacekeeping and conflict resolution.
“You cannot claim
to be the United Nations while disregarding the voice of 54 nations.
It is not possible,” he said.
He argued that
reforming the Security Council is not a favour to Africa, but “a
necessity for the United Nations’ own survival.”
“If the United
Nations is to remain relevant in this century, it must reflect
today’s realities, not the postwar power arrangements of 1945,”
he said.
At the heart of this
campaign lies the Ezulwini Consensus, adopted in 2005, which demands
two permanent seats with veto powers and at least five non-permanent
seats for Africa.
The case for reform
is strong, but the path is lined with obstacles that make this one of
the toughest battles in international diplomacy.
How the UNSC works
The UNSC is made up
of 15 members.
Five of them, the
United States, Russia, China, the United Kingdom, and France, are
permanent members with the right to veto any decision.
The other ten
are elected for two-year terms on a regional rotation and have no
veto rights.
This structure was
crafted in the aftermath of World War II, when the victorious powers
sought to institutionalise their dominance in global affairs.
While it reflected
the geopolitical order of the mid-20th century, critics argue that it
is outdated and unfair in a world where regions like Africa, Latin
America, and South Asia play an increasingly central role.
Why Africa wants
change
Africa is the only
continent without permanent representation on the Council, despite
being central to its agenda.
Roughly 70 per cent of UNSC deliberations involve African conflicts, peacekeeping
operations, or sanctions regimes.
Moreover, African
countries are among the largest contributors of troops and police to
UN peacekeeping missions.
Leaders on the
continent insist that this imbalance undermines both the Council’s
legitimacy and its effectiveness.
For them, reform is
not about privilege but about fairness and the survival of the
institution. Unless the UN adapts, they warn, it risks losing
credibility in a multipolar world.
The legal roadblocks
Reforming the
Council is easier said than done.
Any change requires amending the UN
Charter, a process deliberately made difficult to protect the status
quo.
Under Article 108,
amendments must be approved by two-thirds of the General Assembly, at
least 128 of 193 member states, and then ratified by two-thirds of
national parliaments, including all five permanent members of the
Council.
This effectively
gives each P5 member a veto over reform.
Another path exists
under Article 109, through an international conference on UN reform.
But, this too
requires two-thirds support in the Assembly and ratification by the
P5.
As history shows,
the Council’s membership has only changed once, in 1963, when it
expanded from 11 to 15 members.
That precedent
underscores how difficult it is to achieve consensus on reform.
Rivalries within
Africa
Even if the world
agreed in principle to Africa’s inclusion, the question of who
would occupy the permanent seats remains divisive.
Nigeria, South
Africa, and Egypt are frequently mentioned as frontrunners due to
their economic size, military capabilities, and diplomatic
influence.
Yet rivalries
complicate the picture.
South Africa is reluctant to cede the role to
Nigeria, Algeria and Morocco are locked in mutual suspicion, and
regional blocs within Africa often push competing candidates.
This lack of
consensus weakens Africa’s bargaining position.
As analysts note,
one of the main arguments used to delay Security Council reform
globally is the absence of unity among regions over who should
represent them.
Africa’s demands
are part of a broader global conversation about UNSC reform.
The so-called G4
nations, Germany, Japan, India, and Brazil, also want permanent
seats, arguing that they are major powers whose voices should count
more in global governance.
Meanwhile, smaller
states and reform advocates push for limiting or even eliminating
veto powers, which often paralyse the Council when permanent members
disagree.
This means Africa’s
case will likely only advance as part of a grand bargain that
balances the interests of multiple regions.
Winning two
permanent African seats will require aligning with others seeking
reform while overcoming opposition from those who benefit from the
status quo.
For Africa, the
demand is about more than symbolism.
Having permanent
seats would give the continent a decisive role in shaping
international responses to conflicts, sanctions, and interventions
that directly affect its people.
It would also
acknowledge Africa’s growing economic and political importance in
the global system.
For the UN, the
stakes are about legitimacy.
Critics argue that a Security Council
stuck in the past risks irrelevance.
"If the world’s
most powerful security body cannot adapt to today’s realities,
alternative platforms and regional blocs may increasingly take its
place," says one of the foreign relations experts.
To succeed, Africa
must clear three hurdles:
Legal rigidity- Persuading two-thirds of the General Assembly and all P5 members to
ratify reforms.
Internal rivalries- Agreeing on which African states would occupy permanent seats.
Operational
capacity- Proving readiness to shoulder greater financial and
security responsibilities within the UN.
Although African leaders acknowledge that this journey will be
long and challenging, they insist it is inevitable.
They argue that a
fairer and more inclusive Security Council is not just in Africa’s
interest but in the world’s, ensuring decisions reflect global
realities rather than the dictates of five powers from a bygone era.