KANYADUDI: Devolution has nurtured new elite in Nyanza
The county nurtured elites are the current influence peddlers, power wielders and opinion shapers
by OCHIENG’ KANYADUDI
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The constitution of Kenya 2010 /FILE
Every society has its elites who determine the
direction of major processes directly or indirectly. In Nyanza, especially
among the Luo, this elite first emerged from the colonial and immediate
post-independence social and economic infrastructure of the country.
Elites are the minority group in a society
holding the most significant power, wealth and influence, allowing them to
shape decisions and control key institutions.
These individuals excel in areas
like politics, business, and military and are often seen as a governing class
that controls resources and policy, often serving their own interests.
There are two broad categories identified as a governing
elite – seen as those with power, and a status elite – normally viewed as those
with prestige. However, the general understanding refers to those who occupy
the upper echelons of a society's power structure.
Elites often form networks
that work together to maintain their status, sometimes characterised as
integrated and organic. They occupy key positions in major institutions and dominate
key resources and are often separated from the general public in terms of
wealth and lifestyle. For self-preservation, succession and perpetuation, they
create systems that allow them to transfer their privilege, often focusing on
educational advantage.
In the elite cadre exists the professional elites
who are influential figures in media, academia, or religious
institutions. Then there are those who owe their privileged status to
their control of the economic levers. They are the owners of large corporations,
wealthy individuals and industrial leaders.
The most overtly influential group
is the political elites: Top government officials, policymakers, security
commanders and party leaders who influence laws. During the colonial period,
many from Nyanza became early enthusiasts and converts of the new religion,
Christianity.
Through this, their children were encouraged if
not conscripted to join schools under the education system. The oldest formal
education institution in Kenya remains Maseno School.
Because of acquisition of
literacy and numeracy skills, many Luos were employed by the colonial
administration as support cast in the early civil service. The emerging settler
led capitalist economy required semi-skilled labour which the community readily
supplied.
The early entrants into the inner circles of the colonial public
service controlled almost all spheres of the lives of the natives. They were
buttressed by their counterparts in the money economy who were immigrant
workers in the large white settler farms and commercial enterprises.
Comparative advantages enabled this group to
maintain their grip on the community soon after independence. Because of the
positions of influence that they held, their children accessed the best social
amenities available.
They went to schools early enough and got rare
opportunities for further studies. The neocolonial linkages opened for them
doors in foreign capitals to join some of the elite universities of the world.
Since they started their careers early in the civil service and the nascent
private sector, they quickly rose through the ranks to become visible leaders
in their respective areas.
These families by virtue of social status,
monetarised incomes and acquisition of special modern knowledge and skills made
prominent.
They became the beacons of hope and bearers of the community north
star.As the country got integrated into
the global economy, this elite took advantage of the general ignorance of their
local compatriots to deeply entrench themselves.
From Nairobi they controlled the community
destiny. Through the metropole, they used the community to perch themselves in
prime national positions of influence. Being in Nairobi and its satellite
provincial towns enabled them to control information.
All vital information
from and of the community was passed to the national government through them.
In the same vein, they were the first to receive any government briefs on
development agenda.
They therefore became the conduit for all and any important
information. Information itself is power. Thus from Nairobi to the community,
they would use the common parlance “it has been decided”. When the community
made decisions for their own sake, they employed the refrain “it must be
ratified”.
This is how political decisions through
elections were manipulated and sometimes vetoed. At the same time many
development projects were decided not on the basis of the recommendations of
the community but on the whims of the elite.
The strategic interest of the national
government to marginalise the community through centralised administration
system coincided with the elite’s unstated objective to monopolise leadership.
This nexus has been responsible generational exploitation of the community
through policies. The post-colonial elite successfully used their exalted
positions to establish patron-clientele linkages with their kith and kin. Using
cultural organisations, they supported the community welfare activities as favours
to their less fortunate neighbours.
On a more positive note, there were also
numerous instances where they also used their positions of influence to promote
and protect the community interests. They deliberately organised and lobbied
for the community advancement through education, employment and enterprise
development.
When the Constitution of Kenya 2010 was
promulgated, a new era dawned. After the 2013 general election, six of the 47
county governments were established in Nyanza.
There was excitement as
residents saw an opportunity of almost self-government. This was expected and a
logical consequence after decades of marginalisation by the national
government. The community saw an opportunity to use their vast potential to
improve their lot and enjoy life of dignity as and among other communities in
the country.
This turn of events has naturally led to the emergence of a new
elite group. It closely mirrors if not the same as the previous colonial and
independence elite groups.
Each of the counties has two arms of
government, the executive and the assembly. The executive led by the governor
has a cabinet and civil service. The individuals appointed to staff these
positions are members of the local communities. They provide leadership for the
development and service delivery of their respective counties.
They initiate and
implement projects. They collect taxes and provide employment. The county
government is largest spender in the community and therefore provide vast
opportunity for businesses.
The county executive in this regard competes favourably
with the national government in the control of everyday lives of the citizens.
The officers of the executive arm are therefore very powerful individuals with
enviable influence. Unlike their colleagues in Nairobi who visit their rural
relatives often monthly, they are available and work with the locals almost
daily.
The legislative arm has the MCAs. They are legally established and
elected to provide oversight to the executive. In operation, they are a force
and power unto themselves. They have cultivated the image of half Member of Parliament
for themselves. They are local legitimate political leaders operating above
party officials at the grassroots.
A cohort of high caliber entrepreneurs has been
created in the counties. This has arisen due to the demand for services and
goods for use by the county government and the personnel around it.
The county
government being the largest spender of public funds in the community has
supported this new elite group. As devolution got grounded, those with investment
acumen smelled the coffee and took advantage of the business opportunities
arising.
Investors have thronged the counties and injected resources in the
health, education, financial, insurance, private security and hospitality and
industry sectors. Because they provide direct and indirect employment avenues,
this group is equally influential.
The devolution project came in tandem with the
expansion of university and tertiary education. Many universities and TTIs have
been established in the counties.
This has created a local crop of academics
and intelligentsia. People no longer have to go to Nairobi for further
training. Specialised education is readily available in the local community.
There are professors teaching and living in the village. The myth of the ivory
tower has been shattered. The intellectuals are the first consideration for
appointment to key administrative, advisory and board positions in the
counties.
They have immense influence on the strategic
direction of the community. The county nurtured elites are the current
influence peddlers, power wielders and opinion shapers.
They have outsmarted
the Nairobi clique in control of the local political processes. They leverage
on their endorsement by the community due to positions of authority to be the
links to national and international funding sources.
As is the norm with
elites, they have established tightly knit local cleavages and cartels to
control the community power chess game and social matrices to their exclusive
advantage.
Due to lack of adequate public scrutiny, accusations fly that they
have turned this advantage to their private benefit instead of promoting the
public good.
The writer is a political and policy analyst
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