Many people have been asking me what exactly transpired for me to be expelled from the Jubilee Party.
Even though our forefathers mooted political party culture in Kenya as early as in the 1920s, its development remains highly underdeveloped. Parties have failed to be become real public entities that last long enough to help build a functional democracy.
As far back as 2018, I warned that the then emergent factions of Tangatanga and Kieleweke (I coined the latter) were injurious to its stability. The party had the capacity to last long since it has an elected official from MCA to the senate in 41 of the 47 counties across the country.
The organs of the party were elaborate, but they remained just that on paper. Modelled along the Communist Party of China, the idea was to ensure that Jubilee membership truly owned and directed the affairs of the party.
However, the very membership was a largely a download of eight million people from the electoral agency register rather than a serious recruitment drive, despite the colourful launch of its membership smart card.
In 2018, when I pointed at the poor running of party affairs such as lack of consultation through regular parliamentary group meetings, I was branded a rebel, yet this is the onus of any faithful and genuine member of any party.
This opaqueness became so apparent after deputy party leader William Ruto was declared persona non grata in his own party headquarters by secretary-general Raphael Tuju.
Earlier on, nominated MP Maina Kamanda, Governor Anne Waiguru and Senator Johnson Sakaja, amongst others, campaigned for ODM’s Imran Okoth in the Kibra by-election, yet Jubilee had its candidate. No action was taken on them.
On the contrary, those people who questioned the status quo were the ones who were removed from parliamentary leadership positions and more so I being the only one expelled from the party and eventually my seat declared vacant by the Senate speaker. This is despite having not exhausted all appeal mechanisms as provided for in the 2010 Constitution, a first of its kind.
According to Jubilee vice-chairman David Murathe and chairman Nelson Dzuya, this was meant to ‘serve as a lesson’ to others, a sacrificial lamb. The interim party officials have been in acting capacity for more than four years, way beyond what its constitution provides for.
Clearly, this expulsion strategy hasn’t worked since many other members have since declared their support to DP Ruto, with the latest being Kiambu Woman rep Gathoni Wamuchomba.
Interestingly, party stalwarts led by Nakuru Governor Lee Kinyanjui, and Waiguru of Kirinyaga and Nyeri Town MP Ngunjiri Wambugu have joined the bandwagon questioning how Jubilee is being run, with Waiguru stating that the “the rain has beaten the party and that its fortunes are dwindling”.
They have also been dismissed as looking for an avenue to abandon Jubilee as the latest infighting on changing the party logo and colours rages on.
Jubilee is now in talks with ODM for a merger. This is a wonder that a ruling party is to be swallowed up by an opposition party. It’s only in 2007, that Kanu, as the main opposition party, joined PNU in supporting the re-election of then President Mwai Kibaki.
It’s becoming abundantly clear that the demise of political parties in every general election is largely meant to ensure there is no accountability by party leaders to their membership through the audit of implementation of manifestos, and that emerging leaders with contrary opinions are shunned or their political careers destroyed. Only sycophants survive, since they cannot question the status quo, as they enjoy hefty perks on account of their positions.
This is indeed how the real concerns of the mwananchi fail to make it to the table of decision-making, thus turning parties to an elite club whose interests are far removed from the reality on the ground.
The second issue that got me expelled is the current economic model that has led to the accumulation of a huge public debt beyond the size of our GDP.
Treasury doesn’t have a definite public debt register to tell us of how much we owe and to whom. This is the real economic colonialism and slavery that has hampered Kenya from becoming the powerhouse that it’s supposed to be, despite it being the third largest economy in sub-Saharan Africa.
The third and final reason was for calling for equal opportunity at the presidency. If tribalism is bad enough, then restricting the presidency to only a few select individuals is worse off.
In my quest to champion equal opportunity for persons with disabilities and other special interest groups, I have since discovered that other than piecemeal, cosmetic changes, equal opportunity can only happen when everyone else has a fair fighting chance.
We, therefore, need to deal with systemic issues that breed inequality to empower the poorest of the poor at the bottom of the pyramid. This economic colonialism and slavery akin to medieval England’s ‘Lord versus serf’ is thus the real challenge of our generation.
It’s either we fight against it and liberate ourselves or we betray the cause.
