In the seedy underworld, Vihiga County is reputed for the production of the most potent cannabis, forceful enough to make one touch the sky.
In political history, however, County No. 38 is notorious for perfecting the system of democratic inheritance where sons succeed fathers who pass away in elective political office.
The earliest recorded case of political inheritance in post-independence Kenya took place in Mandera West constituency following the death of long-serving MP Ali Mohamed Sheikh.
His son Ali Jaffar Sheikh Mohamed succeeded him until 1988 when he was 'shown dust' by Seyid Mohamed Amin. Later that year, Vihiga took over the relay after Hamisi MP Samson M’Maitsi passed away in a road accident.
His son, Vincent M’Maitsi, won the by-election. Two months later, powerful Minister Moses Mudavadi died and the Hamisi experience was replicated in Sabatia.
Musalia Mudavadi, his son, succeeded him and was appointed to the cabinet, becoming one of the youngest ministers in history. In 1996, Hamisi was back at it, electing George Khaniri, in his early 20s, to replace his father, Nicodemus, who had died.
During this period in Bondo, Oburu Odinga had succeeded his father, Jaramogi Odinga. Gideon Moi’s declaration as MP-elect for Baringo Central ahead of the 2002 general election, following the withdrawal of his only challenger, followed the pattern.
Over the years, the practice would be normalised with the election of sons of Ahmed Khalif, Mutula Kilonzo and Yussuf Haji. The latest beneficiary of this system is Boyd Were, son of the late Kasipul MP Charles Were.
Quite intriguingly, the practice has largely followed the patriarchal flow of Kenyan politics. Except for notable widows such as Jayne Kihara, Beatrice Kones and Edith Nyenze, men have always been succeeded by either their sons or brothers.
I am not aware of a single instance when a daughter has succeeded their father or mother in an elective office in Kenya.
The only outlier, as far as I can remember, was Kethi Kilonzo, the ever-blazing daughter of the late Mutula Kilonzo. Every obstacle was placed in her way by the Jubilee juggernaut, including a contrived court case.
Without doubt, democratic inheritance is simply and plainly emotional conman-ship. It rides on sympathy for the bereaved families, affection of clueless masses and the hopelessness of voters.
More often than not, candidates who elect to replace their kin are a sure bet. They are neither properly vetted nor their competitors considered.
Perhaps the only saving grace of political inheritance is that voters are actually given a perfunctory chance to vote. They seal the practice with approval of a secret ballot.
Another saving grace for this practice is regularity of polls. Every five years, voters have the opportunity to review their choices. In some notable instances, voters figured out the folly of their own choices and booted sympathy candidates.
This was especially the case with the sons of the late Mirugi Kariuki and the late Khalif.
Last week, Nairobi Governor Johnson Sakaja purported to import democratic inheritance into public service. He announced that one of the children of the late Beryl Odinga, the immediate former chair of Nairobi Water and Sewerage Company, would replace her at the utility firm.
The announcement was as astounding as it was scandalously ridiculous. Where and how did the governor come across the information that Odinga’s children were interested in running our water company?
When did he gauge their competence, and where does that leave the other thousands of qualified Kenyans whose parents have not had the opportunity to work for the firm?
Above all, what message is Sakaja sending to Nairobi residents and Kenyans at large? If Kenyans allow politicians to corrupt public service in the same way they have corrupted politics, they will have themselves to blame.
It is already happening in diplomatic service, where political losers are dumped in important world capitals in emotional compensation deals to recoup their lost fortunes.
Sakaja must rescind his decision, apologise to Kenyans or resign altogether.
Musau is an advocate of the High Court of Kenya and a senior project manager with the Friedrich Naumann Foundation. The views expressed here are his own and do not necessarily reflect the position of FNF
