The self-styled prefect of 'Abhandu Bhosi' isn't impressed with the performance of Amani National Congress leader Musalia Mudavadi. Not that the former Vice President is duty-bound to impress the patronising labour leader.
Papa Francis Atwoli and Mudavadi's visions of the illusive Luhya unity are discordant. On December 31, 2016, Atwoli convened Bukhungu I to endorse the son of the late Mudamba Mudavadi, as the Luhya spokesman.
The scion of the 'King of Mululu' hasn't delivered. He isn't willing, or lacks the wherewithal, to aspire to ethnic kingship. Last week, Atwoli sacked Mudavadi as the nexus of the Luhya nation. He passed the mantle to Kakamega Governor Wycliffe Oparanya.
Oparanya was Mudavadi's deputy in unifying a community of 18 sub-tribes, including Isukha, Bukusu, Maragoli, Banyala, Banyore, Batsotso, Gisu, Idakho, Kabras, Khayo, Kisa, Marachi, Marama, Masaaba, Samia, Tachoni, Tiriki and Wanga.
But Mudavadi, also a Wycliffe, was missing at Bukhungu II, to hand over Abandu ethnic kingship to Oparanya. The other Wycliffe, the Kakamega governor, is also the deputy leader of the Orange Democratic Movement.
Mudavadi, a former Cabinet minister, is a puzzle among the ambitious. The man, a gentle company, cherishes the past more than he noses the future.
When the country was ripe for regime change in 2002, Mudavadi stood a chance of leading breakaway Kanu stalwarts. The rebels had regrouped under the defunct Liberal Democratic Party.
The rebels, who included Raila Odinga, Kalonzo Musyoka, Moody Awori, George Saitoti and Maa leader William ole Ntimama, could have made Mudavadi, then youthful and dazzling, their presidential flagbearer.
Moi baited Mudavadi back to Kanu with a short-lived stint as VP.
Mudavadi, then Sabatia MP, lost the seat to preacher Moses Akaranga. Mudavadi's stalled race was the subject of a Taifa Leo headline, 'Akaranga ame karanga Mudavadi Sabatia'.
Raila Odinga reconfigured Mudavadi for the ODM presidential charge in 2007, as a member of the revving Pentagon. The System stole ODM's victory, to give Mwai Kibaki a second term as president.
Raila appointed Mudavadi a deputy prime minister in the 2008-13 coalition government. Kibaki appointed Uhuru Kenyatta deputy prime minister, from the Party of National Unity side of the grand coalition government.
Mudavadi disappeared again from the ODM radar, for a solo run for president. He finished fourth, after Kibaki, Raila and Kalonzo in the 2013 presidential race.
Mudavadi returned to Raila's ambit in 2017, as one of four anchors of the National Super Alliance. Mudavadi fled again from Raila's corner to found One Kenya Alliance, which Atwoli considers 'headless and tailless'.
On the eve of the 2022 presidential election, MM is defying Elijah Masinde's prophesy that the presidential baton would get to Ingo via the lake. Mudavadi optimists believe he stands a better chance of inheriting Raila's turf.
Raila has indicated he would be a transitional leader, if he wins the August 9 presidential election. This could be Mudavadi's shortcut to the top, but he has to drop the sulk and pick up the gauntlet. He has to see 'the Mandela Moment', which Mt Kenya leaders have seen.
As long as Mudavadi remains high on bitter memories, and low on hope, he will always admire Lot's wife. When biblical sin cities Sodom and Gomorrah faced the apocalypse, angels of hope promised salvation to the righteous.
The righteous were advised not to look back, no matter their memories of the burning twin cities. Lot's wife lost the future when she looked back.
Thirty-six years of proximity to State power gives opinion influencers of Central Kenya, collectively and individually, a nose for the future that Gentleman Musalia Mudavadi is yet to master.
