The
issue of compensating victims of post-election violence has garnered attention,
with some supporting and others opposing payouts. However, this does not need
to be a controversial issue.
President William Ruto promised compensation of victims of
protests and set up a task force to make determinations.
An
examination of reparations literature, both in domestic culture and
international contexts, reveals that reparations and justice don’t fall into
one approach or have a single definition, thus, a range of approaches is
required.
This
article evaluates special contributions, if any, and the ethical contributions
to reparations, whether they are adjudicatory, legislative, or executive such
as the current one. It describes the goal of any reparation, which focuses both
on the past harms and their effect on the future behaviour and interactions of
police and demonstrators.
Reparation
schemes ordered by courts due to legal challenges constitute adjudicatory
methods. Programmes designed by political agencies such as parliaments are
legislative in nature, and those designed under executive authority fit an
executive scheme.
The
goal of all these reparations programmes is the principal end they seek to
accomplish. They usually seek to attain three things: social reconciliation,
victim remediation, and societal transformation as the primary overarching
goals.
Reconciliation
efforts focus upon social healing among the various groups, in this case
police, public, victims and families, and government all to promote harmony and
social unity.
Remediation
efforts, which critics often focus on, are critical in correcting the harms
inflicted upon victims through monetary and other means.
Finally,
the task force is to focus on programmes geared towards societal transformation,
with both the legal and political reforms meant to create a new Kenyan society
that rejects the past identity associated with demonstration injustice.
In
the article ‘When Sorry isn’t Enough: The Controversy over Apologies and Reparations
for Human Injustice’, Roy Brooks, a leading scholar in the field, expands the
pedestrian views common among those opposing the task force. He emphasises the
limits of law alone in addressing some injustices, as argued by the opponents.
The
fact that efforts are made to amend and offer compensation for the past harms
means that damages occurred that require remediation. It also means that the
Executive is assuming responsibility for providing redress for the harm.
This
is a good thing because the mandate of the task force is both on retributive
justice for those responsible for the harm and restorative justice for those
who suffered the harm.
The
question should be interrogated from a vantage point beyond law, interdisciplinary
in nature with the interplay of law and insights from Christian ethics,
Christian experience, political science and the African Ubuntu philosophy.
To
see reparations manifest, we must focus on repairing and restoring, a task that
cannot be left to one institution. Reparations viewed exclusively through the
lens of justice risk a misdirection that prevents genuine reparations from
taking place, even though justice might have a complementary role.
In
conclusion, love will always find a way as a motivating principle of Ubuntu
towards the victims. I am appealing to all Kenyans to support rather than
frustrate injured groups’ efforts to restore and renew their well-being through
the current reparations.
All
Kenyans should discern and share their voices with the task force on the
necessary aspects of reparations that should be undertaken, and what the
broader society should do to avoid future deaths and destruction of properties
during picketing.
Even
considering the issue of reparation as a matter of law, there is a chance to
work through the task force to propose public policy on future compensation of
victims, thereby unlocking the various reports of historical injustice that are
gathering dust on our shelves.
In
this regard, I look forward to contributions that will unlock the historic and
current limitations of courts and human rights bodies to remedy victims of
human rights violations.
From
the struggle for Independence to the present, many victims of human rights
abuses have waited in vain without remedies that provided meaningful redress
and restitution for harms caused by past police brutality.
In
a similar fashion, entrusting responsibility for reparations to one group or a
few organisations seems unwise, in light of the historical analysis of what has
failed to bring change in law enforcement.
The writer is a member of the Task Force on Protest Victims Compensation