JOMO SUCCESSION

Moi's bittersweet relationship with former AG Charles Njonjo

Njonjo fronted Moi's name to Jomo as the replacement for Murumbi who had resigned in 1965.

In Summary

•Njonjo resisted attempts by certain Central Kenya politicians to prevent Moi from succeeding Kenyatta as president

•Njonjo and Moi fell out amid suspicions that he was plotting to snatch power from the latter 

A recollection of former President Moi's political journey remains incomplete without mentioning former Attorney General Charles Njonjo's pivotal role in the former's ascendancy.

A man dismissed by political rivals as a passing cloud, Moi tightened his grip on power with the help of the Fort Hare-educated Njonjo.

It was Njonjo who fronted Moi's name for the vacant position of vice president during a drive from Kisumu to Kericho in the backseat of President Jomo Kenyatta's presidential limousine.

The two men had mulled over possible replacements for Joseph Murumbi who had unexpectedly resigned from his position as vice president in 1965.

“As each name was mentioned – his powerful brother-in-law Mbiyu Koinange; his nephew, personal physician and Defence Minister, Dr Njoroge Mungai; his nephew Ngengi Muigai; wealthy young businessman Njenga Karume; James Gichuru, the Finance Minister – Kenyatta shook his head in disagreement,” Andrew Morton reveals in Moi's biography, Moi: The Making of an African Statesman.

Moi – who was then Minister for Home Affairs – was chosen for his subdued demeanour and loyalty that portrayed him as a safe pair of hands.

Njonjo was to later shield Moi from the Change the Constitution Movement, a grouping of Central Kenya legislators who were opposed to Moi succeeding President Kenyatta.

“I have followed the constitution from the word go, and tomorrow I shall support Moi as president of this country,” Morton recalls Njonjo telling then chairman of East Africa Breweries Kenneth Matiba.



Seven years later, Njonjo and Moi had fallen out after accusations that the former was trying to usurp the presidency.

It all began in 1983 when Moi took a swipe at unnamed government officials who were conspiring with foreign governments to grab power.

“The hunt was on to find the traitor. Njonjo's enemies in parliament and elsewhere fell to the task with glee,” Morton reveals.

Martin Shikuku – who was one of Njonjo's fiercest critics – tabled a document in parliament detailing a bank account allegedly maintained by then AG to maintain election funds.

Njonjo's goose was thereafter cooked after the formation of a judicial committee to investigate claims of treasonous behaviour.

Various legislators, including Lawrence Sifuna (Bungoma South), Francis Mutwol (Kerio Central) and Mashengu wa Mwachofi (Wundanyi South) appeared before the Cecil Miller-led commission.

Eventually, the commission returned a guilty verdict on all charges against Njonjo – except for that of treason.

And so the son of a paramount chief who had been at the epicentre of power since independence was unceremoniously hounded out of government.

Writing on Moi, Morton notes that the Moi-Njonjo split was long overdue.

“The political rivalry between Njonjo and Kibaki, the Vice-President, had disguised the true power struggle between the president and the man who was now the Minister for Constitutional Affairs. As the tide of Kenyatta's era ebbed the differences between Moi and Njonjo, like two sandbanks, became gradually exposed,” Morton reveals.

Moi – who had pardoned Njonjo during the release of the Miller Commission report in 1984 – would later appoint Njonjo as Kenya Wildlife Service chairperson in 1998.

The relationship between the two is evidence that there are no permanent friends or enemies in politics – it is all a matter of survival or self-preservation.

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