As one of the pioneer indigenous university graduates of the time, Mwai Kibaki had an elitist disposition; a sense of entitlement that kept him aloof.
And yes, during the hour of need, the Makerere University educated economist deserted his political war compatriots who sacrificed their all to make him president.
After all, he had a strong feeling and conviction that he belonged to the elite who laid the technocratic foundation for modern Kenya as a star technocrat during the Kenyatta government.
Despite what was arguably a stellar performance on the economic front, critics opine that Kibaki's regime was beset by a myriad of challenges that overshadowed his rich legacy. Many of the issues have been linked to his aloof nature.
From enormous corruption scandals, including the Anglo Leasing and Goldenberg spill over and indecisiveness owing to ill health, Kibaki's 10-year tenure was plagued by a number of challenges.
The negative highlights of his administration, critics argue, contrast the glorious promises he made on his historic swearing-in at Uhuru Park on December 30,2002.
Critically, when Narc rode to power, Kibaki ushered a new dawn and revolution as his administration moved to liberalise the economy and spur economic growth.
“I Mwai Kibaki, swear that I will be faithful to Kenya and serve it with my whole heart...," he said during his swearing-in on a wheelchair.
Fast forward, the new sense of pride and belonging that had consumed the nation upon Kibaki's victory was hastily extinguished within the first days of his administration.
Betrayal bells trolled his first Cabinet, as key figures who propelled Narc to power felt they were being edged out of the centre of power by 'strangers' who would later be christened the Mt Kenya Mafia. Coupled with his ill-health, President Kibaki delegated most of his executive powers to some of his trusted allies from his Mt Kenya turf, relegating his Narc compatriots.
Key Narc luminaries, in their memoirs, say the President was no longer accessible. Those close to him claimed he needed ample time to heal, hence privacy.
But it later emerged the decision was arrived at by a few of his close allies, who were then scheming to shortchange the Narc Summit — the top organ of the machine that drove Kibaki to power.
“The term Mt Kenya Mafia” was coined to describe the small group of people who had now exclusively surrounded the sick President and were blocking access to him,” former Vice President Moody Awori wrote in his book Riding on a Tiger.
Critics say Kibaki was usually mute, even when a crisis was boiling. The latitude he gave his ministers would simply have been unthinkable under his predecessor, Daniel Moi.
There was a perception that the President was weak and indecisive, unable to offer leadership in the stern manner of Jomo Kenyatta or even, in his querulous way, Moi.
However, his admirers reply that Kibaki was a paragon of tolerance who allowed an unprecedented degree of democratic space.
The membership of the Narc Summit represented the country’s regions and major ethnic groups.
They included Mwai Kibaki (the Kikuyu), Moody Awori and Wamalwa Kijana (the Luhya), Raila Odinga (the Luo), Kipruto Kirwa (the Kalenjin), Charity Ngilu and Kalonzo Musyoka (the Kamba), and Najib Balala (Arab-Swahili).
After the victory and as he settled in office, Kibaki shunned the team and roped in people his critics have described as strangers who ran the show at State House, discarding their power deal.
The assortment of the new faces included the key figures of the Kenyatta regime – all of them Kikuyu – who were now brought on board as Kibaki’s close confidants and advisers.
Amid indications his closest political allies had taken advantage of his ailing health, the President's unveiling of his first Cabinet was the straw that broke the camel's back.
The Cabinet, which by its composition was the hallmark of the betrayal of his Narc partners, sowed the seeds of discord that finally hit the crescendo by the close of the first-half of his term.
Given that Kibaki was ailing during the early days of the Narc government, the Mt Kenya mafia is said to have gone roughshod and sidelined the very people who drove his election machine.
There were faces like Chris Murungaru, Kiraitu Murungi, David Mwiraria, Matu Wamae and Materi Keriri, who became the State House comptroller.
The President had reneged on his power pact with his Narc luminaries that provided for a Prime Minister's post and which would be occupied by Raila.
Raila fronted Narc campaigns after Kibaki was hospitalised and is credited with captaining the juggernaut that swept Kanu from power. His declaration of “Kibaki Tosha”rallied opposition leaders behind Kibaki, handing him the presidency at the third attempt.
This deal was tossed out by the President despite it providing the anchor for the establishment of a broad-based Cabinet wth equitable sharing of posts.
Matere would later reveal how they frustrated Raila’s push for implementation of the MoU that earmarked the premiership for him.
"In the MoU, whose contents were only known to eight beneficiaries, Raila was to become the Prime Minister but since there was no such provision in the Constitution, we blocked the move resulting in the acrimony that followed," he said in a 2019 interview.
While acknowledging that Raila played a key part in securing the victory, Matere said the aggressive push for the implementation of the MoU posed a healthy risk to the ailing President. They thus decided to restrict access to a few loyalists.
“On seeing this (access to State House) was not working, Raila realised our group was opposed to his push to be appointed the Prime Minister. He ganged up (with other Narc Summit leaders) to brand us as Mt Kenya Mafia," Matere had said.
In his book, Seasons of Hope, former National Assembly Deputy Speaker David Musila describes how ‘out of the blue’, a number of close Kibaki aides frustrated any attempts to reconvene the Narc Summit, the main engine that ran the campaigns.
Musila says the problem arose when the list of nominees from Liberal Democratic Party to the Cabinet was unilaterally changed and efforts to seek an audience with Kibaki flatly rejected.
"Our disappointment was cemented when our delegation was turned away at the gates of State House. We called a press conference at the weekend and denounced the President for not honouring our pre-election MoU," Musila recounts in his memoirs.
HOPES OF NEW CONSTITUTION DASHED
Part of the Narc MoU was to deliver a new constitution within the first 100 days.
Instead, once in power, and despite heading an administration that contained many of the leading lights of the push to enact a new constitution, Kibaki seemed to conclude he liked things as they were.
Kibaki rejected a constitutional draft that emerged from a constitutional conference in March 2004 after months of negotiation and struggle. His inner circle orchestrated an alternative draft that was rejected by Kenyans in the 2005 referendum.
Seven out of 28 Cabinet ministers, including Raila (Roads), rebelled against the President to lead the NO campaign.
Kibaki, then 74, suffered an embarrassing defeat when 57 per cent of voters rejected the draft constitution he had championed as voters called for a new constitution to limit the president's powers.
"Following the results of the referendum, it has become necessary for me to reorganise my government to make it more cohesive and better able to serve the people of Kenya," Kibaki said as he fired the mutinous ministers.
He went on: “Accordingly, in accordance with the powers conferred upon me under the Constitution of Kenya, I have directed that the offices of all ministers and all assistant ministers become vacant. Consequently, the occupants of the said offices cease to hold their respective offices with immediate effect”.
Those fired included Raila (Roads), Kalonzo (Environment), Anyang' Nyong'o (Planning), Ochillo Ayacko (Sports), William Ntimama (Public Service), Balala (National Heritage) and Jebii Kilimo (Immigration).
THE ANGLO-LEASING SCANDAL
Kibaki's regime was also faced with corruption scandals that nearly brought down his government.
The Anglo Leasing, which involved contracts being awarded to phantom firms, shocked Kenyans when it was revealed in 2004.
Anglo Leasing Finance was paid about 30m euros ($33m; £21m) to supply the Kenyan government with a system to print new high-technology passports. Other fictitious companies involved in the scam were given money to supply naval ships and forensic laboratories.
None of the contracts were honoured.
It is alleged the scam began under the Moi administration and continued under Kibaki, who came to power on an anti-corruption platform.
Four of Kibaki's ministers who were alleged to have been caught up in the scandal were named in a report by former corruption czar John Githongo — but were never charged. They all denied involvement.
Finance Minister David Mwiraria was forced to resign after his name was linked to the scandal as did Kiraitu.
Kibaki switched Amos Kimunya from the Lands portfolio to replace Mwiraria.
GOLDENBERG SCANDAL
Education Minister George Saitoti was forced to resign after being linked by an official inquiry into the Goldenberg scandal.
Some $1 billion of public funds were stolen in a bogus gold and diamond export scheme in the 1990s. Saitoti was the Finance minister under then President Moi. Saitoti would later make a comeback as Education minister.
Although the fight against corruption stood high among Kibaki's electoral promises, the Anglo-Leasing scandal, and Kibaki's failure to prosecute the ministers involved, soiled the President's otherwise impressive economic legacy.
