The events preceding, during and following the tabling, debating, controversial passing and subsequent rejection by the President of Finance Bill, 2024 have been unprecedented and jaw-dropping.
Opposition against the Bill hit a scintillating crescendo on Tuesday, June 25, when, in chaotic scenes, protesters overwhelmed police and stormed Parliament Buildings where lawmakers had just passed the contentious Bill. In a twist of events, the head of state would make a 360-acrobatic manoeuvre, concede to the demands of the Gen Z-headlined protestations and, wait, reject the Bill in toto.
In a master stroke of cunningness, dexterity and raw fearlessness, the youth torpedoed the heavy security canvas at Parliament Buildings and occupied it, albeit momentarily. Sections of the key security installation and bastion of power were set ablaze and property in the chambers destroyed or looted.
Being practical people, the protesters also had the presence of mind to help themselves to the sumptuous five-course lunch laid out for the not-so-honourable members of the august House. It was an expensive undertaking, but who said freedom is cheap? A number of protesters lost their lives and hundreds of others escaped with various levels of injuries.
Let us take a flashback. In August 2022, William Ruto and his acolytes in the Kenya Kwanza coalition rode to power on the backdrop of a pledge to uplift the lives of the downtrodden in a campaign strategy dubbed 'bottom-up'. Ruto specifically pledged to cut down taxes in a wider scheme to reduce the cost of living, then holding Kenyans by the scruff of their puny necks.
Now, the Kenya Kwanza government had sought to raise funds vide a litany of taxes, including new levies on basic commodities like bread, vegetable oil and sugar, and a new motor vehicle circulation tax – pegged at 2.5 percent of the value of a car to be paid annually.
An 'eco levy' on most manufactured goods, including sanitary towels and diapers, was also in the offing in addition to increasing existing taxes on financial transactions. A majority of Kenyans would have none of these. They have elected to display their displeasure in a most spectacular fashion.
Kenya is a land of protests, demonstrations, picketing and sit-ins. Since the run-up to the return of multiparty democracy, the writing of the 2010 constitution and the numerous presidential appeals at the apex court, Kenyans have been in and out of the streets time without number.
In fact, the 2007 post-election protests were so elaborate and violent that six Kenyans led by former President Uhuru Kenyatta and current President William Ruto were arraigned at the International Criminal Court. So, why do these current protests stand out?
Previous democratic and political tussles have been headlined by personalities. Most recently, the face of political struggle has been Raila Odinga. Often, he would cobble together a cable of supposed community, ethnic, regional and religious gatekeepers. The protests this time around, the third liberation if you like, have no specific leader. The protesters are predominantly Gen Z, aka the Zoomers. So, who is Gen Z?
Kenya's population is estimated at 54,985,702. Generation Z is the most populous with 18,378,493 inhabitants representing 33.42 per cent. American sociologist W I Thomas opined that the way people define situations is true in its consequences. Indeed, our understanding of the context of what is at hand informs our expectation of what we will do, who we will interact with and for what purpose. It is a core aspect of a functional society.
Major cultural, political, and economic events do impart a consciousness that deeply impacts the political orientations, values and habits of adults for decades. This is why a generational analysis is a useful tool for making sense of what has been happening and for defining this situation.
Members of Generation Z have come into their own politically, socially and culturally, bringing their values and viewpoints to their families, institutions of learning, communities and workplaces, and our nation’s political ecosystem.
They are the most diverse, the most educated generation in Kenyan history. And, unlike other cohorts of Kenyans who have seen their share of trauma and chaos in the country, this generation is unique in that they don’t have a collective memory of colonialism. They don’t have a memory of the August 1982 coup attempt ditto the hardships of Moi’s Nyayo era. During the 2007 post-election violence they were toddlers in their prams or mothers’ laps.
Gen Z are value-based citizens motivated by the protection and expansion of basic rights — clean air, clean water, to feel safe in school and reproductive rights. They’re concerned about those who are more vulnerable than themselves. Basically, the protection of our democracy and social contract.
Gen Z have an urgency about their approach that other generations lack. Gen Z are committed to using all the tools in their civic toolbox — voting, running for office, as well as everything else that older generations were doing. There’s an urgency, almost a desperation in some cases, to get things done.
Gen Z have taken to heart American writer Martha Gellhorn’s wise counsel that if we mean to keep control over our world and lives, we must be interested in politics. Their activism is slowly reshaping the political landscape, driving public discourse and will influence policy decisions going forward.
Teaches globalisation and international development at Pwani University. [email protected]