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January 24, 2019

Why Kenyans Will Never Forgive Raila If Kenya Burns

In 1982, after outlawing multiparty democracy with the insertion of section 2A into the constitution, most people felt Kanu dictatorship had pushed the country to the brink of a precipice into which the country plunged when on August 1st 1982, the Air Force attempted a coup in which soldiers killed thousands, jailed and detained thousands others before it was put down and Moi’s regime consolidated.

All social and political disasters like civil war, genocide or holocaust never come unannounced. They are predicted before long they happen.

While it was the government that plunged the country into disaster in 1982, today it is the over-ambitious and adventurous opposition that is leading the country into a crisis we can do without.

Precisely because it is the Raila-led Cord opposition that has been cooking the current crisis, I write to ask Raila not to let the country plunge headlong into a tragedy that is neither needed nor inevitable.

Though Raila has denied, I believe all the Cord hullaballoo is about Raila getting a place in the government for self aggrandizement and not liberation of the people as Cord rallies claim.

Without a high platform outside government, Raila will continue to need high profile rallies. To retake control of an ethnically fragmented ODM, Raila will need high profile rallies which he will personally control and be their highest pinnacle. But to deliver on his promises of instant liberation, Raila might just dare to send his political army to a bloody revolution on Sabasaba. And though this path will be dangerous for Raila, his supporters, government and everybody, only he can peacefully end what he started.

I ask Raila to save this country when its fate hangs in the balance because, having fought together against one party dictatorship, I believe he will understand me.  But again he might not.

Raila says to save the country from impending disaster, Jubilee government must first address our country’s key problems of corruption, TJRC report, IEBC and elections, negative ethnicity and insecurity. Over the urgency of getting solutions to these problems Raila and me agree, but differ on the means of solving them.

To solve these problems Raila demands a national dialogue before a Sabasaba rally on 7th July where he promises to liberate everybody instantly. But can he?

Over the national dialogue, I question the genuineness of its purpose which Raila says is liberation of the people but I think it is acquisition of power for him and Kalonzo Musyoka.

Despite a history of struggle, I even question Raila’s moral authority to lead the fight against key national problems.

As Prime Minister in the Government of National Unity, Raila shared the territory of corruption with PNU partners. Now Raila wants the report of TJRC implemented but he kept quiet when some Kenyans were in High Court questioning the flawed nature of its composition by a Task Force of Dr. Ichangi, a Mwai Kibaki stalwart, was comfortable with its leadership by a possible witness, found nothing wrong with the TJRC paying a courtesy call on President Moi and supported the TJRC act that shielded colonial atrocities against Mau Mau from interrogation.

Raila cannot even have moral authority to challenge legitimacy of IEBC when in disbelief the entire nation watched Raila’s men in black kick and scatter ballot papers to disrupt party elections in his presence.

And how can Raila cure the cancer of negative ethnicity and ethnic discrimination in job distribution, when negative ethnicity is the ideology of government, opposition, party and electoral coalitions of Cord, Jubilee and forty one against one? Why if Raila believes in uniting Kenya and not in the tyranny of numbers, does Cord not make eradication of negative ethnicity, its number one agenda?

Raila cannot champion the fight against insecurity either when he insists on having a Sabasaba rally when advance repercussions of its feared mass action are already evident through hate leaflets and eviction of neighbors from so called enemy communities, whose reaction could explode into uncontrollable chaos. It is not security when Raila speaks coded language of war to supporters. And can Raila wait for political temperatures to come down before resuming his rallies?  Raila’s insensitivity to current insecurity makes me doubt whether what he is doing is for public or personal good.

Concerning land, Cord addresses historical injustice opportunistically. And while I cannot go to Uhuru for land reform, I cannot go to Raila either. When James Orengo was at the ministry of lands, he enunciated no principles of land reform that make him better than Charity Ngilu.

Concerning Sabasaba, it is conman-ship to promise people instant liberation that Raila cannot deliver.

Equally, to deny there could be violence on Sabasaba when the word connotes mass action is to engage in deceit as an art of war.

Resorting to Sabasaba to amass people at Uhuru Park is also to abuse the memory of all those who fell on that original Sabasaba day fighting for democratic means to change things, now available for Raila to use, misuse or not use.

And suppose there is no dialogue before Sabasaba or liberation on Sabasaba? That Raila fought for people does not mean a license for him to cheat and misuse those same people.

Brother Raila, we must learn from history. In 1982 Kenyans sought democracy but got dictatorship when soldiers used the coup to get it. Others used the coup to acquire ethnic rule but completely lost it. To get our political ideals, we must use right means never violence, coup, civil war, blackmail or threats. The end does not always justify the means.

Finally, I have a nagging fear. In 1982, Moi government knew of the impending coup but let it happen, using the opportunity to crush people and consolidate itself. Could Jubilee be planning to use Sabasaba chaos to install dictatorship? Raila, think again.



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